The deputy prime minister insisted he was speaking in a personal capacity, as a leading international lawyer warned that the statement by a government minister in such a formal setting could increase the chances of charges against Britain in international courts.

Shouldn’t we maybe consider whether it should consider the issues around things like the Iraq war. Courts get to aquit still, right? If Blair and Bush are sure that the Iraq war was right and legal, why shouldn’t they have the opportunity to convince an International Court of their views?
Why should the ICC just be for people “The Enlightened West” is already sure are war criminals?

Posted via email from hannahswiv’s posterous

I think it might be time to subscribe to a DVD-mail-rental service, so I can catch up on all the films I’ve not yet seen (complete works of Preston Sturges here I come…) while I spend the next few months missing a large proportion of the films I might want to see, or waiting weeks for them to arrive. Yay, West Cornwall cinema-going.

I live within half an hour of four cinemas. They’re all owned by the same company. They are all around half an hour from each other (and people in this part of the world are generally used to driving places). Yet they are all showing the Exact Same films. You’d think they might put at least one different film on in each, to provide a bit of variety – especially allowing smaller, independent films to be seen by lunatics like me. It’s especially annoying as none of the films they’re showing are Four Lions, which I want to take my dad to see as I think he’d like it. It’s on in Falmouth (which is a student town), which is about 45 minutes away. So long, planet, I will be driving a lot this summer if I want to see good films, clearly.

What should shock about these appointments is not just the suspect opinions of Roberts and Ferguson, but the fact that the Tories have fundamentally misunderstood the entire purpose of history. History, properly taught, should lead young people to question and challenge their cultural inheritance rather than simply ‘celebrating’ it. “Studying the empire is important, because it is an international story, but we have to look at it from the perspective of those who were colonised as well as from the British perspective,” said historian and political biographer Dr Anthony Seldon, who is also Master of Wellington College. “We live in an interconnected world, and one has to balance learning about british history with learning about other cultures.

In this case the victors want a nice, uniting, united narrative of the past that is entirely anglo-centric.  So we’ll have to do the whole of late twentieth century historiography AGAIN, then? I’d say at least that’d mean I’d get a job, but it seems unlikely somehow.  I don’t much care for Niall Ferguson (and I positively dislike Andrew Roberts) – although I think it’s good that Ferguson’s two books on empire (British and American) are provocative, because I like provoking discussion among historians and think it’s a good thing, but lately he has come to embody the worst of the Superstar Historian (how can one teach effectively when one has jobs in two different countries and turns out books like they’re cupcakes?), and I dislike his use of about a billion and one research assistants to do his legwork.  One or two, to check all your references are in order, fine, but I worry that he uses his to do the original research, completely ignoring the innate subjectivity of all historical research. 

Watching the ongoing negotiations to settle the hung parliament that was the result of the General Election has been really interesting. Not just because it’s been some kind of long-running political soap opera, but because it feels in a lot of ways like I’ve been watching my PhD thesis dance out of the Roman Republic and into modern political debate – and that’s simultaneously very exciting and quite terrifying.   For those that don’t know, I work on the political and constitutional history of the Roman Republic and my thesis proposed the idea that the unwritten constitution of the Roman Republic wasn’t locked down but evolved and changed through what was said about it, the interpretations that were presented and (ultimately) accepted at Rome.   I’m not going to go into the gory details of that here, since I’m working out how I want to get the thing published (I’m plotting for a book, but that’ll take a few years work, so there’s a potential article too, possibly) – but suffice it to say that the theoretical stuff started with Foucault’s arguments about the way that knowledge is formed through discourse, and picked up ideas about the negotiation of ideology and on the reproduction of social structures, and ending up somewhere near Sunstein’s argument that all constitutions are developed and implemented through a process of interpretation.   Basically, the argument is that a society’s understanding of their unwritten constitution emerges through what is said about it – in politics, in the media, in pretty much every possible space where discourse takes place (though the knowledge builds up in a very complex way, obviously).  Now, I deal with this idea in the Roman Republic – but obviously one of the points of working with theory is to think about a broader applicability.   And I think you can see some of this, with various interpretations of the constitution, taking place in the public discourse about the British constitution over the last week as our MPs have been negotiating a new government and the media has been commentating on it, and we’ve all been responding to it (a lot my interest in this has spun of the responses to some of this discourse on Twitter).  

So if we’re serious about making British government work and keep the British constitution functioning, then it’s probably worth thinking about the main issues and tropes in the discourse and how they’re being talked about as we try and work out where we go next. Otherwise the constitution’s going to change without us really being involved, and we might not like where it ends up – we might not like where it’s ended up right now.  What follows are some of my ideas about some of the main strands of discourse that have come up a lot in the last week – the phrases ‘Unelected Prime Minister’, ‘Vote X, get Y’, ‘Behind Closed Doors’, plus Hung Parliaments, Electoral Reform and Fixed-Term Parliaments.  As a disclaimer first, I am not by any means any kind of expert in the British Constitution (I just ordered a few books to help me improve my knowledge, but I managed to send them to the address where I can only pick them up in six weeks, and not the one I’ll be at in three weeks, which says something about the chaos of my brain in the last few days). 

The Election That Wouldn’t End (or the Electiopocalypse) has been good for something. Whilst listening to and watching the long-running coverage on Thursday and Friday I finally finished off my photobook from my California trip. Woot.

Vote because you’re fucking terrified. That’s what this advert says.

And yet I’m pretty sure I heard David Cameron say, in the second leadership debate, that we shouldn’t vote out of fear, but in hope of change.

So please -if you vote out of fear let it not be because you’re terrified of a hung parliament. I’m voting because I’m pretty much terrified by the idea of a Conservative government. I’m not scared of a hung parliament – they’re not
always the end of the world, or of a country, or Parliamentary democracy.

If you want to know something about why a hung parliament’s not the worst thing you could ever fear, read Alex Massie in the Spectator – and remember that he favours the Conservatives and*still* thinks they’re wrong on this.

The Conservative Party says that a hung parliament will lead to back-room deals, stagnation, power-brokering and partisan wrangling. I say that this says more about them and how they think politics is done. If this is what they’ll do in a hung parliament then, yeah, we might have a problem – but it’s a problem that’ll be THEIR FAULT, not the vault of the electorate if everyone in the electorate votes for he representative they want to vote for. It becomes the fault of the representatives. Not every candidate agrees with the Conservatives about the outcome of a hung parliament – and some of them will want to work openly in such a parliament to make things work. So vote for the candidates who are open to new ideas and new ways of making government work in Britain. A hung parliament is a very real possibility – and you should vote for the candidates who AREN’T scared of that, because they’re the ones who will make it work. The Scaredy Cats won’t. They never do.

What crouton of substance did Clegg offer last Thursday, in the opaque minestrone of waffle? He wants to get rid of Trident. Great! So Lib Dem foreign policy means voluntarily resigning from the UN Security Council, abandoning all pretensions to world influence, and sub-contracting our nuclear deterrent to France! They are a bunch of euro-loving road-hump fetishists who are attempting like some defective vacuum cleaner to suck and blow at the same time; and the worst of it is that if you do vote Lib Dem in the demented belief that there could ever be such a thing as a Lib Dem government, you won’t get Prime Minister Clegg. You’ll get Prime Minister Gordon Brown, for five more holepunch-hurling years, because the Lib Dems almost always vote with Labour, and in my years in Parliament I can’t remember a single moment when they opposed a Labour measure to expand state spending or state control.

David Foster Wallace in interview. You’ll have to turn the volume up, as it’s quite quiet. It’s part one of ten – I’m up to three, and I’m pretty sure you should watch it. It starts on humour, and moves on to talk about the things we worship and the way we are as a society. It relates a lot to Infinite Jest, (although the book was published seven years before this) – I suspect it bridges the gap between that book and the unfinished The Pale King. It’s similar to his commencement address from Kenyon College in 2005 (now published as This Is Water) – which you can (and should) read here.

So, until recently I was registered to vote in North East Fife, where Sir Menzies Campbell is happily ensconced as LibDem MP.  I like Sir Ming generally, and the LibDems generally, and if I’d stayed registered up there I would have merrily mailed in my vote for him, and it wouldn’t have made any difference in the world if I hadn’t because a blind monkey could see how safely seated he is in that part of the world (also, he is going to be graduating me this year, and you don’t want to not vote for that person, just in case they drop a medieval mace on your head rather than the bit of velvet they’re supposed to use).  Anyway, since I don’t really live in St Andrews any more and have a better idea of the political issues in Cornwall than I do in Fife anyway, I thought I’d re-register at the ancestral home, where I would be living if I weren’t hiding out from the lack of Classics jobs at a research institute in Geneva.  I figured my vote would matter more there (see, St Ives’ Voter Power stats as opposed to North East Fife’s) and I would be more engaged, which I think is generally a good thing. However. I am attempting to engage and failing on many fronts – notably the fact that I cannot decide who to vote for. So, please to offer me any advice or opinions that you think I should consider as I decide.

So, last night, the Digital Economy Bill – or #debill, as it’s known on twitter – passed its Third Reading in the House of Commons and goes to (in this case, back to) the House of Lord before becoming all Official.  And I sit here not-so-quietly fuming.   There are so many reasons to dislike this bill: it’s ill-thought out; in thrall to traditional music industries and lobbyists; fails to understand the difference between copyright abuse for finciancial gain and copyright ‘abuse’ for creativity that doesn’t make financial gain, and is consequently open to abuse by copyright holders and could stifle creativity; assumes that all digitial downloading is illegal, copyright abusing digitial  downloading, thus making it harder for creatives to give away freebies online to give tasters to new fans/audiences/consumers; is likely to criminalise the young (who don’t have credit cards to use on iTunes, etc) and those who aren’t digitally adept but fail to really hit those who make serious money out of digitial piracy (hells bells, if the Secret Intelligence Services are concerned about the bill driving pirates/criminals to use greater encryption that is harder for SIS to break quickly enough you know there’s a problem, right?); will not try and convict those alleged to have broken the law but punish them first and then make them pay to appeal; will hold the account-holder accountable for the activity of anyone (known or unknown) using their internet connection, and threaten to disconnect whole households if *one* member of it is caught illegally downloading (imagine if your whole household was banned from going to WHSmiths because one member of it shoplifted a CD single, and then imagine that you ran business/filled tax returns/paid TV licences, council tax and other bills/carried out banking/kept in contact with relatives and many other things through WHSmiths to really think about the insanity of this), and finally – as a consequence of this, poses a very real threat to businesses and establishments that offer wifi connections to their customers and users (re. this, please see Fiona Campbell-Howes’ Open Letter posted to Network Cornwall).

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